I have a question that I have been meaning to ask after I read Jennifer's blog posts that never made it to Wayback. The post is titled Boca Weekend. The whole family went to Boca in Feb 2012, FD arriving separately, coming from Greece. This is the pertinent part of the blog post:
It was a very big reunion when we all finally saw Fotis come out of his car in Boca, just an hour before the party on Saturday. He’d flown through Paris to be here on time. Had had his court date on Friday, and it went well. But even if he wins the case again (he keeps winning it), the government can keep appealing. But we are hoping that his lawyer is good enough and they’ll just deem that they’ll never win and stop draining everyone’s time!
So my question is do we know why FD was in court in Greece?
Below is the link to the wall of text posts of her blog that contain her blog posts that never got into Wayback. AFAIK, they can only be seen using this route. I also included a SS of the raw text of the post
This link contains the Boca Weekend post, among others:
This link contains more posts
This is a SS of the post
View attachment 489248
Thanks for this! So interesting. I'd thought we had read all the JF blog postings but this one is new to me so its fantastic that you found it.
Never heard about any FD lawsuit back in Greece. The reference to the lawsuit as being with the Govt was interesting as was the reference to it draining his time. Wonder how long it had been going on? Seems like it had been awhile.
Curious if it could have related to his Greece citizenship perhaps? IIRC the people that had fled Turkey had a long complex history in terms of citizenship and the Greek government didn't just grant citizenship to many automatically. Perhaps this was the issue FD was dealing with as he identified himself as being born in Constantinople rather than Istanbul but oddly he spoke clearly about the insular and homogenous society in Athens and he seemed to have anger quite clearly against the Country of Turkey. About all we knew of his family was that they were Greek Orthodox in terms of their religion but in terms of precise historical location within the Ottoman diaspora FD was imo quite vague. I wonder if he knew or if he simply didn't want to say?
All this is just a guess based on the timing of the Doulos (name prior to FD changing it to Dulos because the prior spelling meant Slave in Greek) immigration to Greece with his family.
Greek former spelling of FD name: δούλος
Latin former spelling of FD name: doúlos
I do wonder if the Athens based publication iirc Proto Thema ever published anything about the family background in Greece that we never saw here in the US? FD sister Rena I believe is 11-13 years older than FD and has lived with her family in Athens for a long time. I wonder if she ever got full citizenship?
FD had threatened JF with getting the children Greek passports and taking them to Greece, so perhaps the matter was eventually resolved?
Here is some prior information on this topic and Greeks/Turks with citizenship:
Source:
Abstract For the expatriated Greeks of Istanbul and Imbros – some of whom have Greek citizenship, some Turkish – citizenship is neither an irrelevance nor a panacea. Turkish citizenship provided limited protection for ethnic Greeks in Turkey, and Greek citizenship could only go so far to ease...
brill.com
‘Two Homelands and None’: Belonging, Alienation, and Everyday Citizenship with the Expatriated Greeks of Turkey
In:
Journal of Migration History
Author:
Huw Halstead
Online Publication Date: 10 Oct 2022
Leaving Turkey
The final decades of the Ottoman Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries saw extensive conflict, violence and displacement. After the 1919–1922 Greek-Turkish War, brought to an end by the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, a compulsory population exchange was enforced between Greece and Turkey, with Orthodox Christians living in Turkey displaced to Greece and Muslims living in Greece forcibly moved in the other direction; religion, not ethnicity, was the criterion for the exchange. There were notable exemptions: the Orthodox Christians of Istanbul and the islands of Imbros and Tenedos (in the Aegean Sea in the Çanakkale province) were permitted to remain
in situ, as were the Muslims of Western Thrace in Greece. As a result, some 100-110,000 Greeks in Istanbul, around 10,000 Greeks on Imbros, and a few thousand Greeks on Tenedos became an official minority in the newly established Republic of Turkey, whose rights were protected (theoretically) by both the Lausanne Treaty and the Turkish constitution.
11 Around one-third of this community held Greek citizenship, although many had never set foot on Greek soil and held Greek citizenship purely because their forebears had come from former Ottoman territories that became part of the Greek state after Greek independence. The remaining two-thirds were former Ottoman subjects who were granted Turkish citizenship.
12 The Greeks of Istanbul ranged across the socioeconomic spectrum, but most were middle-class professionals/traders/employees or skilled workers/craftsmen, whilst the Greeks of Imbros were primarily agriculturalists.
13
Possession of Turkish citizenship, however, proved to be scant protection against state persecution. Soon after the signing of the Lausanne Treaty, various measures undermined the Greek community’s rights. In 1926, for instance, the Civil Servant Law was enacted, requiring that all civil servants be
Turkish rather than simply Turkish
citizens.
14 Pressure was also exerted to suppress Greek ethnic identity and the Greek language, for example, through the ‘Citizen, speak Turkish!’ campaign.
15 The situation worsened during and after the Second World War. Between 1942 and 1944, non-Muslims were disproportionately targeted by a ‘wealth tax’ (
Varlik Vergisi) that imposed harsh and often unpayable duties, with those defaulting having their property confiscated and/or facing deportation to forced labour camps.
16 On 6–7 September 1955, Istanbul’s non-Muslim communities fell victim to the state-sanctioned Istanbul Riots, in which rioters attacked non-Muslim properties and people, resulting in widespread damage, injury, sexual assault, including rapes, and several deaths.
17 In March 1964, against the backdrop of escalating intercommunal violence in Cyprus, Turkey expelled all Greek citizens from the country – some 10-13,000 people – who were followed by around 30-40,000 Turkish citizens. This was principally because different members of the same family often had different citizenships, such that the expulsion of a single Greek citizen could result in an entire family leaving.18 Meanwhile, on Imbros, a series of measures were eroding the Greeks’ rights and safety, chief amongst them was: the closure of Greek-language schools in 1964 (which were guaranteed by the Treaty of Lausanne); the state confiscation of farming land (ultimately amounting to 90 per cent of the cultivable land); and the introduction of open prisons on the island for serious offenders from the Turkish mainland, who were allowed to wander freely and committed acts of vandalism, thefts, assaults and even murders.19 Greek emigration from Turkey escalated, and the Greek population dwindled: in the 1970s, there were some 10,000 Greeks in Istanbul and around 2,500 on Imbros; by the turn of the century, only 2,500 or so Greeks remained in Istanbul and a few hundred on the two islands.
Oral testimonies paint a mixed picture of everyday life in Turkey and the daily relationships between the Greek minority and the Turkish majority. On the one hand, many expatriates vividly recall a climate of fear, for example, being frightened when speaking Greek in public. Some report that neighbours joined in with the rioting in 1955 or treated them with suspicion during the Cyprus crisis. This pervasive sense of fear even spread to children: one interviewee, Theodoros (b.1951, mg.1973), described an occasion when, as a young boy, he was queueing for ice cream in his Istanbul neighbourhood when his sister, sitting on a wall nearby, began to shout to him in Greek, and his agony at trying to ‘shush’ her – for fear of being singled out as Greeks – without losing his place in the queue. When another interviewee, Stefanos (b.1950, mg.1964), was similarly overheard speaking Greek in public and told by some angry passers-by to ‘speak Turkish’, he evoked citizenship in response, turning to them to say, ‘I am a citizen of this country, and I can speak whatever language I want’. In practice, however, this afforded precious little protection.
On the other hand, many interviewees offered fond memories of cosmopolitan diversity, warm intercommunal interactions, and firm friendships with Turks. Testimonies were filled with recollections of Turkish friends and neighbours protecting Greeks during events such as the Istanbul Riots, either overtly or through cryptic warnings. Fotis’ (b.1950, mg.1976) father – who spoke broken Turkish with a strong accent – was locking up his workplace on the night of 6 September 1955 when a Turkish girl who worked for him pressed a small Turkish flag into his hands, saying to him, ‘you might need this’, and nothing more. On his way home, he was accosted by some rioters, but when they saw the flag, they let him be without him needing to open his mouth and betray himself.
20 Memories of strife and memories of harmony thus jostle with one another in expatriate testimony, and oftentimes these contrasting narratives are offered by the same person during an interview.
21
Arriving in Greece
The majority of these departing Greeks resettled in Greece. Although the expatriates did not arrive in the same state of destitution as the refugees who came in the 1920s with the Treaty of Lausanne, many had lost much or all of their financial and material wealth, and the early years in Greece were often difficult. Many interviewees recalled that they or their parents had to work several different jobs to make ends meet, commonly taking on lower paid and less prestigious or less skilled employment than that which they had undertaken in Turkey. Still, whilst living in Turkey, many in the community had idealised Greece: interviewees described seeing Greece variously as a ‘lifeline’, a ‘rescue boat’, a ‘promised land’, and a ‘dream life’. The experience of being driven out of Turkey was bitter and traumatic, and many expatriates hoped – and expected – that they would find sanctuary, security and solace in Greece. To some extent, they did; as
Imvriótis Pavlos (b.1970, mg.1987) put it, in Greece they experienced ‘freedom, that feeling that you are not different from the others, as you experienced as a minority [in Turkey], as a fly in the milk’.
Yet, many expatriates were also profoundly embittered by the reception they received in Greece. The Greek state was reluctant to issue Greek citizenship to those expatriates who had arrived with Turkish citizenship (see below), forcing this (sizeable) group to apply for, and periodically renew, residence and work permits at the Aliens’ Bureau (Tmíma Allodapón), which had various practical and psychological implications. The expatriates also found that many in Greece were unaware of their experiences of persecution in Turkey – or even that there were any Greeks left in Turkey after 1923 – and they frequently encountered suspicion and scepticism about their Greek ethnicity. Alexandros (b.1962, mg.1978) from Istanbul complained that he constantly had to explain to native Greeks ‘that you were baptised, that you went to a Greek school, that you ate the same food, that you breathe the same air, that you have two hands and two feet, that you are not an elephant!’ Interviewees were called ‘Turks’ or ‘seeds of the Turks’ by some native Greeks (mirroring, in this sense, the experiences of the refugees in the 1920s). Tasos (b.1949, mg.1964), for instance, remembered people making fun of his accent and how he pronounced words with a ‘fat L’, and when he explained that he was from Istanbul, they would say, ‘so, you are a Turk then’.
Social, cultural, political and religious life in Greece also frequently failed to match the idealised expectations the expatriates had developed whilst living in Turkey. The
Polítes – as well as many younger
Imvriótes who had grown up partly in Istanbul after the closure of the Greek language schools on Imbros – were accustomed to the cosmopolitanism and urbanism of Istanbul, and found Greek cities to be comparatively backward and parochial. Panagiotis (b.1946, mg.1963) recalled that his first impression of Thessaloniki on arrival from Istanbul was ‘what a village it is here’. In Turkey, the community – largely due to its status as a vulnerable community – was generally aloof from party politics and socially oriented around shared Greek ethnicity. In a reflection of this, expatriates also frequently complained that native Greeks lacked patriotism and unity, tending too much towards political partisanship and egocentric behaviour.
Imvriótis Loukas (b.1967, mg.1992), seeking to convey his disappointment with what he perceived as the disunity and anarchy of the Greek political system, joked that when he was living in Istanbul he used to walk past the Greek embassy just to be able to see the Greek flag, but when he arrived in Greece ‘the flag was burning!’ Interviewees also frequently voiced their dissatisfaction with levels of piety in Greece:
PolítisMichalis (b.1940, mg.1971), for example, was deeply unimpressed with ‘the [native Greek] who passes by the church, makes the sign of the cross, and then two steps later curses God, Christ, and the Virgin Mary’.